About Me

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I am a lifelong student of military history with particular interest in the Battle of Antietam. I work for the federal government in Washington DC and have two young adult children who I love very much. I currently volunteer at Antietam and devote much time to the study of this battle and the Maryland Campaign. I enjoy collecting notable contemporary quotations by and about the men of Antietam. Since 2013 I have been conducting in depth research on the regular artillery companies of the Union Army and their leaders. I hope to turn this into a book on this subject in the future. My perspective comes from a 28-year career in the U.S. Army. Travels took me to World War II battlefields in Europe and the Pacific where American valor ended the tyranny of Nazism and Empire. But our country faced its own greatest challenge 80 years earlier during the Civil War. And it was the critical late summer of 1862, when Robert E. Lee launched the Maryland Campaign. It is an incredible story of drama, carnage, bravery, and missed opportunities that culminated around the fields and woodlots of peaceful Sharpsburg MD. So join me as I make this journey South from the North Woods.

Sunday, July 28, 2019

Where Men Only Dare to Go

Carnage around the Dunker Church scene of Parker's Battery
Royall Figg was a charter member of William W. Parkers “Boy Company” so called for the extreme youth of many of its members.  He was about 20 years of age when he enlisted around March 1, 1862 and served with distinction through three years of war.  Parker’s battery joined Stephen D. Lee’s battalion of artillery and served under that outstanding commander at Second Manassas and Antietam.

In 1885 Figg wrote a remarkable first hand account of his experiences with the battery titled Where Men Only Dare to Go or the Story of a Boy Company, C.S.A.[1]Many nineteenth century accounts are tedious and hard to connect with.  Figg’s writing style however is engaging and the book is hard to put down as he evokes his life of a gunner with great warmth and humor. 

The book came to my attention while preparing for a talk on Confederate artillery commanders at Antietam. I discovered it in the bibliography of Herman Hattaway’s excellent biography of Stephen D. Lee.[2]

The carnage sustained by Parker’s battery and Lee’s battalion in general at the Battle of Antietam made a deep and lasting impression on Figg.  He recounts with excruciating detail the terror of being under the fire of the Federal guns of position east of Antietam creek.  Several passages are particularly moving and appear below.

After Lee’s triumph at Second Manassas, Figg foreshadows the approaching fight in Maryland: “Sharpsburg loomed grim and ghostly in the fateful future, but we saw it not; and Antietam was murmuring our death-song, but we heard it not.”[3]

Figg describes in almost reverent words the soldiers love and respect for their commander Stephen D. Lee: “Lee was the officer who was destined to win our soldier-love in the great battle soon to be fought at Sharpsburg. I say ‘solder-love’ for is it not true that men love a brave man-almost idolize him-in time of great danger, simply because he is brave?”[4]

Figg describes an incident on the evening of September 16thas Federal troops under Joe Hooker approached the field.  As he says the incident is amusing in retrospect, though at the time it was difficult to appreciate the humor:  “We were under a heavy artillery fire, and bullets also were too plentiful for comfort. Twilight was deepening into night, when a shot from a Federal battery passed through two horses, casting quite a deluge of blood and flesh upon Private Clark, who was holding them.  ‘Lieutenant, my brains are out!’ he feebly exclaimed. ‘Then you have the biggest brains I ever saw!’ replied Lieutenant Brown.  Little doubt was entertained at that moment even by the Lieutenant himself, that these would be Clark’s last words. You can scarcely imagine Clark’s satisfaction, however when the real source of the sanguinary baptism was discovered.”[5]

The young gunner now goes on to relate his experiences on the 17thof September, “a day of wrath”: “Lee’s army stood on that bloody day as one to three against the advancing hosts of McClellan; and of all the enemy generals McClellan was the most feared.”  It is interesting to hear how McClellan’s reputation  was viewed by at least one common soldier.  We of course know that Robert E. Lee himself echoed these sentiments when after the war he was asked which of the Federal generals he considered the greatest, and his emphatic answer was “McClellan by all odds.”[6]

Figg now relates the terrible experience of being shelled by enemy artillery.  He narrates several episodes: “The charge in one of the guns explodes prematurely and sends its ‘rammer’ whizzing over to the enemy, at the same time burning and almost blinding dauntless George Jones.  A shot crashes through a caisson, and McNeil, who escapes as if by a miracle, significantly holds up the blessed beads given him by the good ladies at Frederick….A shot ploughs through the bowels of our lead horses and crushes the leg of Warburton, the driver. The two remaining horses plunge wildly about, trying to extricate themselves from the fallen horses in front. At this critical moment Joe Hay, with his pocket-knife, cuts the harness, and we are then ordered to fall back.

The unerring fire of the Union guns of position continued to batter Parker’s band of young artillerists just yards from the Dunker Church.  Finally ordered off the line to refit, Lee called upon the boys later in the day to go back into action one more time.  Figg recalls his battalion commander’s immortal words over twenty years later as he calls for his men to return to the line:  “You are boys, but you have this day been where men only dare to go.  Some of your company have been killed; many have been wounded. But recollect that it is a soldier’s fate to die! Now, every man of you who is willing to return to the field, step two paces to the front! As Lee spoke these words he seemed a very god of war; and his eyes flashed command, not entreaty.  Weak and almost dazed by the scenes of horror through which we had passed, stern Duty calls, and we obey. The significant ‘two paces’ is stepped and a volunteer section, led by Lieutenant J. Thompson Brown returns once more to confront the now exultant enemy.[7]  

The seemingly unending day continues.  Finally “the autumn sun is fast declining to his rest, as we continue to to fire slowly and feebly.  The enemy replies as if he, too, is weak and shattered.  Sons of the North and sons of the South are lying thick upon the hillsides and in the valleys.  Sharpsburg is groaning, and Antietam is running red; and there will be weeping among the blue hillls of Virginia and on the banks of the Savannah, and the praries will hear the voice of lamentation, and the Hudson will answer in bitter and melancholy refrain.

The sun is set, and bloody Sharpsburg is a thing of history.[8]

[1]Where Men Only Dare to Go or the Story of a Boy Company, C.S.Aby Royall W. Figg
LSU Press (2008), with a Foreward by Robert K. Krick
[2]General Stephen D. Leeby Herman Hattaway University Press of Mississippi 1988
[3]Where Men… p. 32.
[4]Ibid p. 39.
[5]Ibid p. 41.
[6]Ibid p. 42.  Leeby Douglas S. Freeman Volume IV page 477
[7]Where Men… p. 44.
[8]Ibid p. 47.

Friday, May 24, 2019

May I never be called upon to endure greater agony than at that moment…

Alexander Webb
Nine months before earning the Medal of Honor and winning everlasting acclaim as the commander of the Philadelphia Brigade at the Copse of Trees, Alexander Webb served as the Chief of Staff of the Fifth Corps at Antietam.  

Webb was on my radar, not because of his role at Antietam.   Before that he served as one of William Barry’s artillery inspectors during the Peninsula Campaign of 1862.  I learned that Yale University is the repository of Webb’s extensive collection of papers, maps and photographs.  I recently had the opportunity to view Webb’s papers at Yale and hoped to gain insight on his activities with Barry as part of my ongoing artillery research.

Alexander Webb (1835-1911) was born in New York City on February 15, 1835.   His grandfather General Samuel Webb was an aide to George Washington and regimental commander during the Revolution.  Webb’s father James Watson Webb was a noted newspaper publisher and diplomat.  The younger Webb graduated from West Point in the Class of 1855 ranking 13 of 34 graduates. He was commissioned in the 2ndU.S. Artillery and served in Florida, Massachusetts and Minnesota. He returned to West Point in 1857 as an assistant professor of mathematics while fellow professor John Gibbon labored over his Artillerist Manual.  In January 1861 as the secession crisis worsened, the War Department ordered Lieutenant Charles Griffin, another West Point professor to organize a four-gun artillery battery from the dragoon detachment at the Military Academy. Lieutenant Webb was soon relieved from instructor duty and assigned to the new battery[1]

Webb accompanied the West Point battery, as it was known at the time, to Washington D.C. as part of the beefed up security put in place by Winfield Scott for Lincoln’s inauguration.[2]  In April 1861 when the Fort Pickens relief expedition was fitted out, Webb was attached to Light Company A, 2ndU.S. Artillery commanded by Captain William Barry.  With Webb at Pickens were such future artillery luminaries as Henry Hunt, John Tidball, James Robertson, and Alexander Pennington. Among Webb’s papers is a fascinating journal that covers the often-mundane day-to-day experiences of life at Fort Pickens during the long hot summer of 1861.  

Returning in time for the first battle of Bull Run, Webb served as an assistant to Barry, now Chief of Artillery for McDowell’s army during that disastrous battle.  In the fall of 1861 Webb obtained a volunteer commission as major of the 1stRhode Island Light Artillery Regiment.  He worked diligently in organizing that fine body of artillerymen.  Webb continued to serve Barry in forging the artillery organization of the Army of the Potomac and assisted Henry Hunt, in establishing the crack Artillery Reserve of the Army of the Potomac. One of those batteries was Battery D, 5thU.S. Artillery, the former West Point Battery.  It was now commanded by Lieutenant Henry Kingsbury (USMA May 1861). Kingsbury had the command prior to his appointment as colonel of the 11thConnecticut.  Kingsbury was a former student of Webbs at the Academy. Now as one of the army’s artillery inspectors, Webb worked closely with Kingsbury. They became very close friends.      

At the time, the Artillery Reserve fell under the Fifth Corps commanded by Major General Fitz-John Porter.  Largely unappreciated today is the fact that Porter much like Thomas Jackson, Braxton Bragg, and Henry Hunt was renown throughout the artillery community in the 1850s for his legendary exploits in Mexico.  On September 14, 1847, the 25 year old from Portsmouth New Hampshire took command of Light Company G, 4thU.S. Artillery at the Belen Gate after Mexican grapeshot killed his captain and first lieutenant. As enemy fire continued to decimate the ranks of his company Porter himself wounded, pushed his guns to the gates of the city of Mexico blasting thru a path for American storming parties.  William Loring once asked what the greatest feat of bravery he witnessed in his life was replied “Fitz-John Porter at the Belen Gate.”  

In August of 1862, Webb was promoted to lieutenant colonel and assigned as Porter’s Chief of Staff. He grew very close to Porter and remained a stalwart supporter of the ill-fated general to the end of his days. 

Webb corresponded regularly with his father and wife Annie.  These letters are located among his papers at Yale.  On September 28, 1862, Webb penned a letter to his father-in-law Henry Rutgers Remsen a New York financier and bank executive.  Annie asked her husband to send her father an account of the Battle of Antietam.  Webb helpfully included a sketch of the battlefield. He marked the map with capital letters (i.e. A) which he referred to in the letter.

Webb's map

Camp near Shepherdstown
Sept 28th1862

Dear Mr. Remsen,

                  Annie tells me that you ask for an account of the battle.  The battle of Antietam.  Do you know that although the easiest to comprehend, the best battlefield to take in, in the whole of the war it will probably form the hardest to describe. It was too hard fought at all points, too exciting to attempt put it on paper.

                  Perhaps some cold blooded reporter with his saddled animal awaiting his determination to [move?] away without a care or a feeling for any side may describe accurately what took place but I doubt it. But I will try. I was with General McClellan nearly all day + I carried messages for both him + Genl Porter + brought them both news from different parts of the field but I do not pretend to tell half.

                  I reached the battleground the 16that about 12:30 P.M. a good deal in advance of my corps.[3]I was with our advance cavalry. I found Hooker in position on the line east + north of the Antietam a line formerly held by the Confederates, but abandoned by them for Sharpsburg Heights. The point I took then to see the ground was the point occupied by Gen McClellan the day of the battle. Just below me on a hill or ridge parallel to the Antietam River was Hooker’s Batteries shelling the Rebels lines drawn up on the crest of a ridge about 1¼ miles distant. At this moment we had nothing in fact to open with, but the moment I saw the position chosen by the Rebels I knew they were to remain there until one of the armies was beaten.  Gen. Porter arrived at the head of 1/3 of his corps at about 3 P.M. & shortly after Gen McClellan accompanied by an immense staff rode up + of course the Rebels gave them a shell or two. This gave us plenty of room on the hill. The staff did not expose itself unnecessarily again since it drew fire on the Genl in Chief.  Well that evening then was a push + a firm resistance + Gen McClellan became convinced that the next day was to decide the fate of the Union.  Then it was that he started himself to reinforce Hooker who had left his first position at KLM+ had gone toward the right. Hooker was crossed to the woods at Ethat night. Franklin (brought up from the road to Harpers Ferry) was crossed to support him.[4]  Sumner was pushed forward at Dand Burnsides ordered to our left toward the stone bridge at B.  Sykes lay behind the ridge at GH, + I.  Morell at Mbehind the batteries at KL.  Humphreys was sent for to hurry up to join Porter. Couch ordered to come over the mountain by the road at Ato be used at any point.  And thus we awaited daybreak.

                  As soon as it was light the firing began on our right and in a short time the battle opened when Hooker moves in from the woods at E.  We see him distinctly drive in the enemy’s pickets. Then his lines advance into the wood and a terrible fire opens upon him.  In ten minutes he appears routed, his men are running!! Will nothing stop them? Is this a defeat? May I never be called upon to endure greater agony than at that moment.  But soon they stop. They form. The Rebels advance in line; meet a battery, seem to surround it – No! They run like sheep + our lines advance again! This seems ten minutes but it has lasted 1 hour + a half. And then Hooker took that wood four times.  And Sumner Ddirectly in front going up the hill in the face of lines of Infantry and those batteries. Look! There falls the green flag. (4) Four times it is down and though they falter still the Irish Brigade moves in. See the men fall in their tracks! All that line of blue is dead + dying. See the great gaps they are closing up now. That is the way to fight. They fight to win… But soon they win back they are driven in by those two batteries at DEand here comes an aide from Sumner. He must have more artillery. He can hold his ground but he cannot advance without more Artillery. Graham of the 1stU.S. Arty is ordered to him from Porter.[5]This battery crosses the ford + advances to Tand taking the fire of the enemy in front + flank + rear he drives off the battery at E+ the lines of the enemy coming out on Smith advancing toward E.[6]He leaves the field in an hour with no ammunition 16 horses killed + 16 men hors de combat. How I did bless that fellow.

                  And now at QRin [soon?] advanced Tidball, Robertson, and the other horse batteries with the cavalry. On their left + front are Sykes skirmishers + brigades.  

                  Why dont Burnside advance. “Tell him if it costs him 10000 men he must go in now”; says, G.B. McC.
We hear him. Here comes Flagler.[7]“Burnside has crossed the bridge but Kingsbury is dying.[8]He wants to see you Col Webb.”  It is carried but at what a cost! And now the firing is furious.  Gen McC rides to Hooker with his staff. He must go there. They want a leader. Hooker is wounded. Let Mead command the whole of the right. Then off he goes + our right goes in with him. They takeholdthe wood.  Sumner moves up to the road.  Sykes skirmishers advance to near the town. Burnside gets a Brigade to Bbut it is overwhelmed. Night comes on. We cease firing and the battle of Antietam is over. We had fought 12 hours.

This is its general outline. Its description would fill a quire.

Never ask to undergo such feelings as those experienced by one who knew that but 67,000 of our men were opposed to 100 to 130,000 on the crest of a hill; a hill they had to gain after crossing a rapid stream passable at but three (3) points. If our enemy could not whip us at Antietam he never will if our men fight with the same spirit.  And God bless McClellan.  All I thought, all I have said, he was he hasprovedhimself to be. God bless + preserve him without His aid we will never succeed + I believe that He is using George B McClellan as his instrument.


The tone of the letter is engaging.  We sense Webb’s nervousness, exhilaration, and sometimes sheer terror throughout the many tense moments of the day.  “May I never be called upon to endure greater agony than at that moment…”

It  is an interesting perspective on how Webb viewed the battle from McClellan’s forward command post at the Pry House.  It is in no way comprehensive nor is it intended to be a military report.  The letter is merely a hasty recounting of some of the writer’s recollections of the high points of the battle for his civilian father-in-law. The map is particularly interesting and valuable and the references in the letter conveys Webb’s perspective of the battlefield from McClellan’s position.  

Webb offers a figure of 67,000 Union soldiers engaged which is probably not far off the mark.  He accepts the generally held view that 100-130,000 rebels on the heights of Sharpsburg outnumber the Army of the Potomac. 

Webb has a grand view of the action on the upper half of the field.  He can see Hooker’s desperate fight on the right.  “And then Hooker took that wood four times.”He watches with great admiration the advance of the Irish Brigade. “Look! There falls the green flag. (4) Four times it is down and though they falter still the Irish Brigade moves in.  …That is the way to fight. They fight to win.

As a professional artillerist, Webb  pays particular attention to the artillery batteries that he can view. He recounts the “surrounded” battery in Hooker’s area. “The Rebels advance in line; meet a battery, seem to surround it – No! They run like sheep + our lines advance again.”This is likely Dunbar Ransom’s Battery C, 5thU.S. Artillery or one of the batteries in Rickett’s division - Ezra Matthew’s Battery F, 1stPennsylvania Artillery or James Thompson Independent Battery G, Pennsylvania Artillery.  Campbell’s Battery B, 4thU.S. Artillery underwent a similar desperate attack by Hood’s Texans but it was on the other side of the Hagerstown Pike and likely not visible to Webb.  From his position Webb also tracks the dispatch of Grahams battery in the Sunken Road and its heroic action there (“How I did bless that fellow”), and he can see Tidball and Robertson’s horse batteries unlimbering and firing to his left. 

We hear McClellan voice his frustration with Burnsides lack of celerity.“Tell him if it costs him 10, 000 men he must go in now.”   There is elation that Burnside is finally moving when they hear the “noise” of the advance.  Joy is quickly tempered by the news that Kingsbury is dying.  The mortally wounded officer asked for his old friend.  Flagler says “He wants to see you Colonel Webb.” 

Webb senses the moment when decisive victory hangs in the balance.  Sumner moves up to the road. Sykes skirmishers advance to near the town. Burnside gets a Brigade to B… but it is overwhelmed.

Finally, if Webb had any nagging doubts about McClellan, he now seems assured that Little Mac has finally proved himself by his performance at Antietam.  “All I thought, all I have said, he has proved himself to be.”   

My thanks to good friend and fellow Antietam guide for his assistance in transcribing the letter and annotating the map.  

[1]HQ Military Academy Orders No. 3 January 7, 1861 copy in the Alexander Webb Papers, Yale University Box 1, Folder 5.
[2]The War Department incorporated the West Point Battery into the new Fifth U.S. Artillery Regiment as Battery D.
[3]Webb probably meant to say the 15th.  
[4]Here Webb actually means Joseph Mansfield, commander of the 12thCorps.
[5]William M. Graham’s Battery K, 1stU.S. Artillery of the Artillery Reserve.
[6]William F. “Baldy” Smith’s Sixth Corps division.
[7]Lieutenant Daniel Flagler (USMA June-1861) an aide de camp and assistant ordnance officer.
[8]Colonel Henry Kingsbury (USMA May 1861) commander of the 11thConnecticut killed at the Burnside Bridge

Friday, January 18, 2019

Hence the dirt

For over two years, I have been going through every page of Henry Hunt’s papers that are located in the Library of Congress.  Unlike much of the Executive Branch which remains shutdown (my department included), Congress and it’s library were funded by a separate appropriation. While furloughed, I have been able to spend some time at the Library over the past several weeks continuing my research.

Henry Hunt was a prolific writer and it seems that he kept everything.  From battle reports, to target practice records, data on artillery horses, to proposals and sketches for a new and improved battery wagon, to the daily countersigns of the Army of the Potomac, nearly every aspect of artillery is addressed somewhere.

I have found some great things about the artillery of the Army of the Potomac in the Civil War.  I have scanned at least one hundred documents and the information therein will be part of my upcoming book.  

Nothing prepared me for what I found in Box 12, Folder 2 yesterday.  At the bottom of the folder beneath the other papers was a folded up parchment like document. I unfolded and unfolded and unfolded some more.   Suddenly there was a map titled Portions of Virginia and North Carolina.  It was about 3 feet by 2 feet long.  

What dumbfounded me was a note scribbled on the back of the map in Henry Hunt's handwriting:

This map presented to my by General Rawlins Chief of Staff to General Grant on the road from Petersburg to Jetersville and which had been frequently used by Genl Grant to that time. Was afterward used by General Meade and myself until the surrender of Lee’s Army at Appomattox C.H.
Genl Meade being unwell for a day or two had it in his ambulance with him and accidentally got his boots (muddy) on it hence the dirt.

Washington DC                                             Henry Hunt
Aug 11 1865                                                 Maj Genl
                                                                     Chief of Arty

It was so large and delicate that an archivist had to assist me in folding it back up. There was an index card in the folder that indicated that there are several other copies of the map in the Library.  I think that is only reason that this copy remains with Henry Hunt’s other papers.  

It is a rare and beautiful thing.  I am back at the Library today looking for more treasures.  

Wednesday, January 2, 2019

Artillery Leadership in the Army of Virginia

Alexander Piper
Historians have not written much about the artillery leadership of the Army of Virginia. Henry Hunt the prolific artillery chief of the Army of the Potomac left comprehensive reports after each of his campaigns. His counterpart in the Army of Virginia left no report on the Second Manassas campaign. 

That officer was Captain Alexander M. Piper (1828-1902).  Piper’s was a regular army artillery officer from Carlisle Pennsylvania.  His family traveled in the same social circles as the McClellan’s and Porters.  Piper entered West Point in 1847. He ranked number five in his class upon graduation in 1851 and opted for an artillery commission instead of one in the engineers. He was commissioned in the Third U.S.  Artillery and after a brief hold over at West Point as an assistant professor, joined his regiment in the Pacific Northwest.  Piper participated in several expeditions against the Indians. Among his comrades in arms was Lieutenant Phil Sheridan who recalled that Piper commanded a mountain howitzer during one of the campaigns.[1]

In October 1860, Piper reported to West Point for another stint of instructor duty.  In February of 1861, the War Department directed Lieutenant Charles Griffin (USMA 1847) the chief artillery instructor at West Point to organize a battery composed of artillery officers, soldiers, and equipment from the training detachment at the Military Academy.  With the approach of Lincoln’s inauguration, the battery was ordered to Washington DC to help secure the capital from secessionist elements.  Known as the West Point battery, Piper was among the officers selected to be part of the new unit and accompanied it to the nation’s capital in February 1861.  In July 1861, he was detached from the battery and assigned as Acting Assistant Adjutant-General on the staff of Colonel William Tecumseh Sherman’s brigade. Piper served under Sherman, a former Third Artillery officer at First Bull Run.  Sherman reported that Piper worked “under fire all day, and carried orders to and fro with as much coolness as on parade.”[2]  That summer, Piper was promoted to captain of Company G Third Artillery but he never joined the unit.  Instead, he returned to West Point in September and taught Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Geology. 

Perhaps eager for front line service, Piper was posted back to Washington on June 12 1862 and at the age of 34, and became Chief of Artillery for Pope’s Army of Virginia.  Piper’s selection to be chief of artillery for a field army must have been a reflection of his competence and ability.  Unfortunately, little is known of Piper’s service under Pope.  He made no report that ever found its way into the Official Records. His service was significant enough however to earn a brevet promotion to major from Pope for gallant and meritorious service on August 30. 1862[3]  

Piper faced significant challenges.  The War Department constituted the Army of Virginia on June 26 and it went into action almost immediately.  Unlike the Army of the Potomac, it did not have an extended period to organize before entering combat.  William Barry and Henry Hunt who organized the Army of the Potomac’s artillery were recognized authorities on artillery organization and tactics with long years of experience. Piper lacked the same kind of experience.  Under William Barry’s system, he assigned a regular artillery battery to each infantry division in the Army of the Potomac. Pope’s army had no such system.  Where the Army of the Potomac had twelve regular batteries assigned to the infantry divisions, Piper had only three regular batteries assigned in the entire army.[4]  The Army of Virginia did not have an Artillery Reserve.  In the Potomac army at the Seven Days, Henry Hunt commanded a 19-battery reserve.  Of these, eleven were regular army batteries.

Louis Schirmer
The artillery components of Pope’s army came from three widely separate commands with completely different organizational structures.  Sigel had several good artillery batteries including Hubert Dilger’s Battery I, First Ohio Artillery and Michael Wiedrich’s Battery I, First New York Light Artillery. However, all Sigel’s batteries were assigned to individual brigades except for a small three-battery corps reserve. The corps had no regular batteries. Sigel’s artillery chief was Captain Louis Schirmer a Prussian-trained artillery officer. Schirmer immigrated to the United States in 1858 settling at first in St. Louis.  He was an officer in a militia company, the St. Louis Mounted Rifles until he moved to Memphis Tennessee.  In 1861 he fled to New York at the outbreak of the Civil War and enrolled in the 29thNew York “Astor’s Rifles - 1stGerman” Infantry.  At First Bull Run, Lieutenant Schirmer’s company of the 29th took the abandoned guns of Captain Varian’s battery, whose enlistment had expired on the eve of the battle, fought the guns, and returned with them to Washington. The company was permanently detached from the regiment, becoming the 2nd New York Independent Battery eventually commanded by Schirmer.  The battery fought at Cross Keys on June 8, 1862 as part of Louis Blenker’s “German” division.  By all accounts, Schirmer was a competent officer.  At Cross Keys he had command of all of Blenker’s artillery.    

Clermont Best
Nathaniel Bank’s Second Corps artillery was consolidated into a corps artillery structure.  Battery F, Fourth U.S. Artillery commanded by Captain Clermont Best (USMA 1847) was the only regular battery in the corps.  Best served as chief of artillery for the corps.  He was member of the West Point Class of 1847, which also included John Gibbon Ambrose Burnside, A.P. Hill and Henry Heth. Best had a solid if not spectacular career in the regular artillery for fifteen years serving in the Seminole War, the Kansas Disturbances and the Mormon Expedition.  His artillery had seen severe action recently in the Battle of Cedar Mountain on August 9 1862 but did not play a major role in the battle of Second Manassas.  

McDowell’s corps had the best artillery in the Army of Virginia.  John Reynolds and Rufus King’s divisions were originally assigned to the Army of the Potomac. Each had a regular battery.  Light Company B, Fourth U.S. Artillery was assigned to King’s division. John Gibbon (USMA 1847), another artillery theoretician along the lines of Hunt and Barry, commanded the battery at the beginning of the war.  Before appointment to brigade command, Gibbon had relentlessly drilled Light Company B and the three other volunteer batteries of the division.  At Second Manassas, Joseph Campbell commanded Light Company B.  The other regular battery in the corps was Dunbar Ransom’s Battery C, Fifth U.S. Artillery assigned to the Pennsylvania Reserve division.  Ransom’s predecessor in command Henry DeHart was mortally wounded at Gaines Mill on June 27 where the battery lost three of its guns to Hood’s Texas brigade.  

Davis Tillson
The chief of artillery in Irwin McDowell’s Third Corps was Major Davis Tillson.  Tillson was born in Rockland Maine in 1830.  He entered West Point in 1849 but resigned after two years because of an accident that required the amputation of his foot.[5]  He served in the state legislature of Maine in 1857 and the next year Governor Joseph Williams appointed him adjutant general of the state.  In November 1861 Tillson was commissioned as captain of the 2nd Maine Battery.  The battery arrived in Washington in April of 1862. It was attached to the 2ndBrigade of E.O.C. Ord’s division in the Department of the Rappahannock. Tillson was promoted to major in April of 1862 and the next month was appointed chief of artillery for Ord’s division now commanded by James Ricketts.   He served credibly at the Battle of Cedar Mountain under the eye of Irvin McDowell who afterward appointed him as chief of artillery for the corps.[6]

McClellan sent two corps of the Army of the Potomac to Pope before the battle.  Porter’s Fifth Corps arrived first and brought five of their eight batteries from the Peninsula. These included four crack regular artillery batteries.  They were Alanson Randol’s Battery E&G, First U.S. Artillery, and three batteries from the new Fifth U.S. Artillery - Battery D, the “West Point” Battery commanded by Charles Hazlett, Battery I commanded by Steven Weed, and Battery K commanded by John Smead. All were veterans of the tough fighting on the Peninsula two months before.  

The two divisions of Heintzelman’s corps on the other hand were pushed forward to Pope with only one of their eight organic batteries. A second battery, William Graham’s Light Company K, First U.S. Artillery was added from Hunt’s artillery reserve.[7]

The Ninth Corps recently assembled from troops in the Carolinas brought no artillery to Virginia.  Three batteries were hastily attached to General Reno’s command.  Samuel Benjamin’s Battery E, Second U.S. Artillery came from Hunt’s Artillery Reserve. George Durrell’s Independent Pennsylvania Battery D was detached from Rufus King’s division.  Asa Cook’s 8thMassachusetts Battery, a brand new untested unit organized in June 1862 was pulled out of the Washington defenses.

Then there was the matter of Robert E. Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia. 

In one of the rare instances of the war, the Confederates outnumbered the Federals in the numbers of batteries and numbers of guns. According to Jennings Wise, Lee brought 43 batteries and 175 guns to the fight.  Pope’s army had 28 batteries and 125 guns.[8]

Probably most important, Lee’s Army was in the process of organizing its artillery batteries into a battalion system with field grade artillery officers in command of the guns.  What Lee lacked in modern guns and reliable ammunition, he made up with a system that allowed the Confederate guns to mass fires at critical times and places on the battlefield.  

Despite these obstacles, the Union batteries fought hard and inflicted serious damage to their Confederate opponents.  Some examples are Campbell’s battery on the Brawner farm, Kern’s battery on Chinn Ridge, and the gun lines cobbled together on Dogan Ridge and Henry Hill on the afternoon of the 30th.  The Yankee gunners were never able to achieve anything like the concentrated fire that the Confederate artillery battalions could deliver.   Still Union artillery helped to slow the Confederate advance enough to prevent Lee from crushing Pope’s army completely. Ultimately, no amount of individual fame and valor earned by many of the Federal gunners could compensate for the strategic and operational blundering of the senior Union generals that lead to the Union debacle at Second Manassas in the first place. 

Henry Hunt tapped none of the artillery leadership of the Army of Virginia to serve in the Maryland Campaign.  As the Army of Virginia dissolved, Piper returned to Washington with his brevet promotion to major. He served as an inspector of artillery under William Barry in the Washington fortifications.  In January 1863, Piper received an appointment as Colonel of the 10thNew York Heavy Artillery.  In May of 1864, his “heavies” joined the Army of the Potomac. They served credibly in the siege of Petersburg where Piper received a second brevet.  The 10thNew York later operated in the Shenandoah Valley with Phil Sheridan, Piper’s old comrade from the Indian fighting in the Pacific Northwest. Colonel Piper ended the war as Chief of Artillery of the Middle Military Division. Mustered out of the volunteers, he returned to the regular artillery.  His long and distinguished career culminated in his elevation to Colonel of the Fifth U.S. Artillery in 1887. Piper retired in 1891 after 40 years of service and died in 1902.

Louis Schirmer remained with Sigel’s corps and was in the fortifications of Washington during the Maryland Campaign.  He was back in command of his battery at Fredericksburg but was then elevated to Chief of Artillery of the Eleventh Corps during the Chancellorsville Campaign.[9]  Like Piper, he got his own heavy artillery regiment, the 15thNew York in August of 1863. Schirmer’s regiment provided protection to the Artillery Reserve during Grant’s Overland Campaign.  He left the regiment sick on June 5,1864.   The former Prussian artilleryman got into trouble in the summer of 1865 and in August of that year a general court martial convicted him of various charges including embezzlement, drunkenness and destruction of government property.  He was cashiered, imprisoned and severely fined $10,000. Louis Schirmer thereafter disappeared from the pages of history.[10]

When Joe Hooker took over McDowell’s corps, he replaced Davis Tillson with Colonel Charles Wainwright, his own divisional artillery chief from the Third Corps. Ironically, Wainwright did not join Hooker until after the Battle of Antietam. Tillson like Alexander Piper was consigned to the Washington defenses as an artillery inspector during the Maryland Campaign.  Two months later, he was commissioned a brigadier-general of volunteers, to date from November 29, 1862. In April 1863, Tillson went west and served in a number of positions involving the construction of defenses first in Cincinnati and later in Knoxville Tennessee.  Tillson ended the war commanding the District of East Tennessee. Mustered out of the army in 1866, Tillson took charge of branches of the Freedmen's bureau in Tennessee and Georgia and planted cotton in Georgia for a year, before returning to Maine and engaging in various business ventures. He died in 1895.[11]

If Hunt was not going to use the Army of Virginia’s senior artillery officers, he desperately needed the battered and exhausted Federal batteries that contested Robert E. Lee’s gunners during the Second Manassas campaign. Henry Hunt hurriedly resupplied and outfitted 22 of Pope’s battle-worn batteries (nine regular and 13 volunteer) and rushed them northward into Maryland in pursuit of Lee’s victorious legions. Only 18 days after their defeat at Second Manassas, these weary gunners, would again face the Army of Northern Virginia on the banks of the Antietam.[12]  

[1]West Point Association of Graduates Report 1903 Annual Reunion, page 39
[2]OR 2 ”Report of Col. William T. Sherman, Thirteenth U. S. Infantry, commanding Third Brigade, First Division” page 368.
[3]Pope wrote “To my personal staff I owe much gratitude and many thanks. Their duties were particularly arduous, and at, times led them into the midst of the various actions in which we were engaged. It is saying little when I state that they were zealous, untiring, and efficient throughout the campaign. I desire also specially to mention … Captain Piper, chief of artillery.”  It is very possible that Piper spent much of August 30thon Dogan Ridge where much of Pope’s artillery was located and very effectively employed.  (OR 12:2 page 49)
[4]There were no regular batteries in Sigel’s corps.  Banks corps had Battery F, 4thUS Artillery commanded by Captain Clermont Best (USMA 1847).  McDowell’s corps had Battery B, 4thUS Artillery commanded by Captain Joseph Campbell (USMA 1861) and Battery E, 4thUS commanded by Captain Joseph Clark (USMA 1848). For purposes of this calculation, I do not count the Pennsylvania Reserve Division that had Dunbar Ransom’s battery.  
[5]The account of Tillson’s career is based on his biography in The Union Armyvolume 8, page 273
[6]OR 12:2 McDowell’s Report of the Battle of Cedar Mountain page 171
[7]Battery E, 1stRhode Island Light Artillery was the only organic battery that went with the Third Corps
[8]Wise, Jennings The Long Arm of LeeVolume 1 Richmond VA Owens Publishing Company reprinted 1988) page 270
[9]SO No. 4 HQ Grand Reserve Division Jan 14 1863 OR 21:1 pg 973
[10]“The Case of Colonel Schirmer”  Cleveland Daily LeaderAugust 21 1865; newspapers.com
[11]The Union Armyvolume 8, page 273
[12]The 22 batteries were the 6thMaine Battery, 8thMassachusetts Battery, 1stBattery New Hampshire Artillery, Battery L, 1stNew York Artillery, Battery L, 2ndNew York Artillery, Battery A, 1stPennsylvania Artillery, Battery B, 1stPennsylvania Artillery, Battery F, 1stPennsylvania Artillery, Independent Battery C, Pennsylvania Artillery,  Independent Battery D, Pennsylvania Artillery, Independent Battery F, Pennsylvania Artillery Battery C, 1stRhode Island Artillery,  Battery D, 1stRhode Island Artillery,  Battery E&G, 1stU.S. Artillery, Battery K, 1stU.S. Artillery Battery E, 2ndU.S. Artillery Battery E, 4thU.S. Artillery, Battery B, 4thU.S. Artillery, Battery C, 5thU.S. Artillery, Battery D, 5thU.S. Artillery, Battery I, 5thU.S. Artillery, Battery K, 5thU.S. Artillery.

Friday, November 2, 2018

The Power of Twelve

Col. Stephen D. Lee
There are a lot of ways to measure artillery performance in battle.  They include comparison of the artillery leadership, the artillery organization of the opposing armies, number of guns, the type of guns, the number of batteries, the terrain on which the guns are located, how well each side adhered to artillery doctrine of the time, and whether the guns are properly supported by infantry. 

At the beginning of the Maryland Campaign, the Confederate Army was well into the process of organizing their artillery into battalions.  In theory, a battalion organization meant that the guns were concentrated in groups of two or more batteries under a field grade officer.  The Union Army called these organizations brigades instead of battalions but they were essentially the same organization.  The only true artillery brigades in the Union Army at this time were in the Artillery Reserve commanded by Henry Hunt till his elevation to be Chief of Artillery for the Army of the Potomac on September 4th, 1862. Creating artillery brigades in the Union infantry corps was something that would not happen until after the Battle of Chancellorsville.  

This system permitted flexibility in the deployment of artillery.  It potentially allowed for movement of battalions from one threatened sector to another and equally important concentration of artillery fire.  As the battalion system evolved, artillery resupply could potentially become more efficient as well.  

Col. James Walton
Without a battalion system, individual batteries were assigned directly to infantry brigade and division commanders.  Artillery fire is most effective when concentrated and it was difficult to get cooperation with other infantry commanders to concentrate artillery fire. Further, commanders would resist any efforts to move “their” batteries to other locations.  A battalion (or brigade) system would mitigate (but not eliminate) these problems.

Despite the implementation of this system by the Confederate Army, it was far from perfect. Jennings Wise, the famed chronicler of Robert E. Lee’s artillery, characterized these battalions at this time, as possessing “little organization as tactical units, but … merely collections or groups of battery units possessing practically no tactical cohesion.”[i]  

The Confederate artillery battalions may have lacked cohesion and experience working as tactical units.  However they possessed a relatively large number of field grade artillery officers. In the army, field grade officers rank between major and colonel.  They typically command at the battalion and regimental level and serve as senior staff officers.  They should be subject matter experts in their branch of service.  They could talk (or argue) with authority about their branch of service with their less knowledgeable infantry brethren.  Having field grade artillery officers also means that there is a commander and staff that can oversee the logistics of artillery. Finally if the guns had to be moved (as they often did in the Army of Northern Virginia at Antietam), there was a leader with the rank and authority to do it. 

On the Union side where there were many fewer artillery field grade officers at Antietam.  How big was the discrepancy in field grade officers between the opposing forces?  On the Confederate side, there were 17 field grade officers who accompanied the Army of Northern Virginia into Maryland. Twelve were on the battlefield on September 17th. Brief sketches of these 17 officers appears below:

Longstreet’s Right Wing
Colonel James Walton (1813-1885) (Louisiana) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, Right Wing; He served with the Washington Artillery in the Mexican War (1856 - 57) and by 1857 was colonel commanding the battalion.  It was Walton who initiated an ill-advised artillery barrage on the Union guns of position across the Antietam near the Middle Bridge on the 16th. Vigorous Union counterbattery fire from the longer range and heavier Union guns compelled Longstreet to order Walton to call it off.  On the 17th, Walton generally commanded various batteries (not all from his own battalion) in the center of the Confederate line.  His own four batteries held various positions from the orchard near the Sunken Road to Snavely’s Ford on the southern end of the line. [ii]  
Colonel Henry C.Cabell (1820-1899)(Virginia) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, McLaw’s Division; Before the war he commanded the Richmond Fayette Artillery (organized in 1821). When the 1st Virginia Artillery regiment was formed he was appointed lieutenant colonel. Cabell was ill during the Maryland Campaign but returned to duty on September 17th.[iii]
Major Samuel P. Hamilton (1826-1891) (Georgia) Assistant Chief of Artillery, McLaw’s Division. He commanded Company A 1stGeorgia which was organized as artillery on July 24th 1861; He was appointed a major in Cabell’s artillery battalion July 14th 1862; Major Hamilton was acting Chief of Artillery to General McLaws and deployed McLaw’s artillery on Maryland Heights on September 13th1862.  Hamilton served under Colonel Cabell who sufficiently recovered from illness to return to his duties on the field at Sharpsburg on September 17th.[iv] 
Major John S. Saunders (1836-1904)  (Virginia) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, R.H. Anderson’s Division; USMA graduate 1858.  Served in the Second U.S. Artilleryand Ordnance Department before resigning on April 21st, 1861. He served as ordnance officer in Richmond, and Chief of Artillery at Norfolk and Vicksburg before being assigned as artillery battalion commander in the Army of Northern Virginia. Saunder’s four batteries generally fought together on the Reel Ridge and Piper Farm lane area of the battlefield supporting the defense of the Sunken Road.[v]
Major Bushrod Frobel (1826-1888)(Virginia) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, John B. Hood’s Division; Frobel was a civil engineer with the U.S. Revenue Service before the War. He was first commissioned as a lieutenant, in the Confederate State Navy before joining the army as a lieutenant of artillery on October 7, 1861; He commanded the "Cockpit Point Battery" on the Potomac River. Frobel was on General Whiting's staff at the Seven Days in June 1862. He was promoted major and Chief of Artillery to General Hood July 22, 1862.  Frobel’s three batteries served for much of the day along the Boonsboro Pike on a hill to the right of the turnpike road a short distance in front of Sharpsburg. [vi]

NOTE:  No chiefs of artillery are identified for the divisions of John Walker and David R. Jones.  Walker had two batteries at Antietam.  Jones had one battery.

Jackson’s Left Wing
Colonel Stapleton Crutchfield (1835-1865) (Virginia) Chief of Artillery, Left Wing; VMI graduate in 1855 and professor with Jackson; Major in 9thVirginia and then 58th Virginia.  Colonel and chief of artillery in Jackson’s Valley District.  Crutchfield was not present at Sharpsburg during the battle.  He remained at Harper's Ferry organizing captured guns and ammunition and arrived at Sharpsburg on the evening of the 17th. Crutchfield was killed in action at Sailor’s Creek on April 6, 1865. [vii]
Lieutenant Colonel Reuben Lindsay Walker (1827-1890) (Virginia) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, A.P. Hill’s Division; 1845 VMI graduate.   In 1861 appointed commander of the Purcell Artillery. He saw action at First Bull Run, and was promoted to major on March 20th1862, and lieutenant colonel on  July 3rd1862.  Walker’s artillery played an important role in subduing the Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry and he brought four batteries to Antietam where they had a key role in A.P. Hill’s attack on Burnside’s Ninth Corps. [viii]
Major Alfred R. Courtney (1833-1914) (Virginia) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, Ewell’s Division; Enrolled as second lieutenant, 38th Battalion Virginia Heavy Artillery on 15 May 1861. Commissioned captain of his own battery (Courtney's Henrico (VA)) on July 8th, 1861; Courtney was convicted by court-martial (date not given) for dereliction of duty for not bringing forward more ammunition and 3 batteries of the battalion as ordered (by artillery chief Pendleton) at Sharpsburg on 16 and 17 September, and for being absent without leave for almost a month following the battle.[ix]  
 Major Lindsay M. Shumaker (1824?-1884) (Virginia) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, the Stonewall Division; Appointed second lieutenant of the Virginia First Regiment of Foot in 1846 as it was organized for the Mexican War. Captain Danville Artillery(VA) April 1861.  Participant in the Greenbrier campaign in Western Virginia in fall of 1861; Appointed major July 5th 1862. At Antietam, Shumaker commanded several batteries of Jackson’s command that initially defended the West Woods in the early morning.  Driven back by the Federal guns of position and Union First Corps artillery, these batteries regrouped on Hauser’s Ridge. According to William Poague, Shumaker was deaf.[x]  
Major Francis Scipio Pierson (Louisiana) Chief of Artillery/Battalion Commander, D.H. Hill’s Division; Pierson had experience in the French artillery before the War. He enrolled as first lieutenant in the first months of the war with Company E, First Battalion Louisiana Zouaves. That unit became DeGournay’s Battery(LA); He was promoted to major on March 27th 1862; Pierson commanded D.H. Hill’s guns at Antietam but left no report.  Captain Thomas Carter said that Pierson helped to organize the Confederate batteries on the Reel Ridge.[xi]  

Cavalry Division
Major John Pelham (1838-1863)(Alabama) attended USMA 1856-1861.  Lieutenant Alburtis Artillery in 1861; captain March 23 1862; major August 9 1863; The Stuart Horse Artillery  battalion was probably still largely an administrative unit with each of the three batteries serving with a different cavalry brigade on other parts of the field. At Nicodemus Heights and later at Hauser’s Ridge, Pelham brilliantly commanded his own battery and four batteries from Jackson’s command. Pelham was killed at Kelly’s Ford on March 17, 1863 and was posthumously promoted to lieutenant colonel.[xii]  

Reserve Artillery During the campaign the five battalions of the Reserve Artillery operated as a loose formation with the battalions constantly being detached from Pendleton to serve elsewhere.  Pendleton served mostly as a chief of artillery for the entire army in matters of inspection and administration.
Colonel Stephen D. Lee (1833-1908)(South Carolina) Battalion Commander, Reserve Artillery; USMA graduate in 1854. Served with the Fourth U.S. Artilleryin Texas, Florida, Kansas, and the Dakotas. Resigned in 1861.  ADC to Beauregard at Fort Sumter. Major November 1861, lieutenant colonel March 1862, Artillery McLaws Division April – June; Artillery Magruder’s Division – July 1862; colonel July 9 1862. His artillery battalion was attached to Longstreet’s wing. Lee’s battalion started the battle on the Dunker Church plateau and provided invaluable fire support to Jackson’s wing until it was driven from the position by the Federal guns of position across the Antietam and advancing Union infantry.  His four batteries pulled back at first to the Reel Ridge and then into town where they were somewhat refitted.  They then joined Confederate defenders on Cemetery Hill for the remainder of the afternoon.[xiii]  
Lieutenant Colonel Allen S. Cutts (1827-1896)(Georgia) Commander Sumter (Georgia) Artillery Battalion, Reserve Artillery; Artillery private in Mexican War.  Planter in Americus Georgia. Captain Sumter Flying Artillery (GA) July 6 1861; major May 22 1862; lieutenant colonel May 26 1862; During the Maryland Campaign, his battalion was left behind in the retreat from South Mountain but he managed to rejoin the army.  At Antietam Cutt’s battalion primarily supported D.H. Hill;[xiv]
Major Hilary P. Jones (1833-1913)(Virginia) Battalion Commander, Reserve Artillery; lieutenant Morris Artillery (VA) (Page’s Battery at Antietam); captain February 1862; major May 28 1862; His battalion was located in the center of the Confederate line and engaged Federal batteries across the Antietam.  His four batteries assisted D.H. Hill in the defense of the Piper Farm area after the Union advance to the Sunken Road.[xv]
Colonel John Thompson Brown (1835-1864)(Virginia)Commander First Virginia Light Artillery Regiment,Reserve Artillery; Second Lieutenant Second Company Richmond Howitzers; elected captain of company May 9 1861. Fought at Big Bethel June 10, 1861; Appointed major in September 1861 and a lieutenant colonel of the 1st Virginia Artillery in the spring of 1862. Promoted to colonel on June 2, 1862. Brown led the battalion in the artillery reserve of the Army of Northern Virginia in the Seven Days Battles. In the Maryland Campaign the battalion was detached on September 14th to guard Light’s Ford at Williamsport where it remained until September 19th.  At the battle of the Wilderness on May 6, 1864, Brown was killed by a sharpshooter while seeking a position for the guns in his division.[xvi]   
Major William Nelson (1808-1892) (Virginia) Battalion Commander, Reserve Artillery; captainHanover Light Artillery April 1861; Nelson was dropped in April 1862; at the batteries reorganization and his brother assumed command; major of artillery May 26 1862; lieutenant colonel, March 3 1863; colonel February 18th 1865; During the battle, Nelson’s battalion guarded Boteler’s Ford where it remained until the Battle of Shepherdstown.[xvii]

Twelve of these officers (Walton, Cabell, Hamilton, Saunders, Frobel, Walker, Shumaker, Pierson, Pelham, Lee, Cutts, and Jones) were present at the Battle of Antietam.  Compared to their Union counterparts, the Confederate field grades had significantly less military experience.  They usually had about a year commanding at the battery level before assuming higher rank.  Five had a military education. Lee, and Saunders graduated from West Point.  Pelham attended the Military Academy for five years but was denied his diploma when the firing on Fort Sumter forced him to leave just days before graduation. Crutchfield and Walker graduated from VMI.  Pierson is said to have served as an artillerist in the French Army prior to the Civil War.  Shumaker was mustered in to a Virginia regiment for the Mexican War but never actually served.  James Walton and Henry Cabell had pre-war militia experience commanding artillery militia batteries (the Washington Artillery for Walton and the Fayette (Virginia) Artillery for Cabell.)  All these officers served in combat with the Army of Northern Virginia during the summer of 1862 and that was perhaps good enough.  

In contrast, the Federal Army had just threefield grade artillery officers present as the opposing armies squared off for the Battle of Antietam.  

Lieutenant Colonel William Hays (1819-1875)(Virginia) Commander Artillery Reserve; USMA 1840; 22 year veteran of artillery service in the Second U.S. Artillery; Served in combat with Battery A, Second U.S. Artillerywith Henry Hunt in Mexico; Hays commanded the Horse Artillery Brigade in the Artillery Reserve prior to appointment to Chief of the Artillery Reserve in early September 1862. [xviii]
Lieutenant Colonel George Getty (1819-1901) (DC) Chief of Artillery Ninth Corps; USMA 1840; 22 year veteran of artillery service in the Fourth U.S. Artilleryincluding combat in Mexico.  Getty commanded a brigade in the Artillery Reserve prior to appointment as Chief of Artillery of the Ninth Corps in early September 1862.
Major Francis Clarke (1820-1866) (New York) Chief of Artillery Second Corps; USMA 1840; 22-year veteran of artillery service in the Fourth U.S. Artilleryincluding command of an artillery battalion in Utah prior to the Civil War.  

What they lacked in quantity, the Union field grades possessed in a dominating qualitative edge of artillery experience over their Confederate brethren.  Hays, Getty and Clarke were all professional artillery officers.  All graduated together from West Point Class in 1840.  Hays and Getty were Mexican War veterans.  Both served directly under Hunt in the Artillery Reserve in the summer of 1862 and understood his operating style.  Clarke had been Sumner’s artillery chief since the Second Corps was established in March of 1862 and was in all of that corps’ battles in front of Richmond.

Major Albert Arndt, commander of the First N.Y. Light Artillery (German) Battalion, Artillery Reserve was present until September 16th.  Arndt had experience with the Prussian Army prior to immigrating to the United States. He served credibly with his battalion in the Artillery Reserve on the Peninsula and was elevated to command of the battalion when Hunt fired Colonel Andreas Breckel. Hunt referred to Arndt as an“experienced and excellent officer.” Arndt was killed on September 16thwhile positioning the guns of his battalion on the east bank of the Antietam.[xix]

Col. Stapleton Crutchfield
There were undoubtedly other field officers with artillery backgrounds in the Union Army during the battle but none served in artillery positions (that I could find). There were two other Union field grade officers assigned to senior artillery positions but they were not present at Antietam.  Colonel Charles Wainwright, First New York Light Artillery previously served under Hooker as his divisional Chief of Artillery in the Third Corps. Hooker named Wainwright to be Chief of Artillery for the First Corps when “Fighting Joe” was elevated to that command. Wainwright did not join his new command immediately arriving on the battlefield on September 19th.  In Wainwright’s absence, Hooker essentially served as his own chief of artillery and personally positioned his batteries until he was wounded. 

Colonel Charles Tompkins, First Rhode Island Light Artillery was Chief of Artillery in the Sixth Corps. During the Maryland Campaign, Tompkins was in Rhode Island recruiting and missed the battle. William Franklin however had two very capable division chiefs of artillery.  Lieutenant Emory Upton was Henry Slocum’s artillery chief. Romeyn Ayres served in that same position in William F. Smith’s division.

To be sure, the regular army captains commanding Federal artillery at Antietam were every bit as experienced to command at the field grade level.  They included Stephen Weed in the Fifth Corps, Romeyn Ayres in the Sixth Corps, Clermont Best in the Twelfth Corps, and John Tidball, Horatio Gibson and James Robertson in the Horse Artillery.   Ayres, Best, Tidball and Gibson all graduated in the West Point Class of 1847.  Weed graduated in 1854.  Robertson enlisted in the artillery in 1838 and was commissioned directly from the enlisted ranks in 1848.  Had they accepted infantry commissions (like John Gibbon) all would have likely been at least infantry colonels by the Maryland Campaign. The fact is that no matter how much technical experience they possessed, they did not have the rank. 

Henry Hunt recognized this. After Antietam, Hunt pressed repeatedly for promotion or brevet promotion of his artillery officers. Brevets would eventually come but direct promotions in the small regular army artillery establishment were extremely rare.  The War Department and Henry Halleck in particular refused Hunt’s request to permit artillery officers to serve at their brevet rank.

LTC Reuben L. Walker
In reading the reports of Robert E. Lee’s senior artillery commanders, studying Carman’s narrative, and viewing the Carman-Copes maps, it is clear that Lee’s senior artillery officers played a decisive role in ensuring that Confederate artillery was at the right place at the right time throughout the day. By late morning on September 17ththe Confederate situation was perilous.  Fortunately for Lee and his generals, decisions to relocate Confederate artillery and implementation of those movement orders would be done by men with the necessary rank to make it happen.

Pelham’s guns moved from Nicodemus Heights to Hauser’s Ridge.  Shumaker’s guns initially located in the West Woods also moved back to Hauser’s Ridge.  Stephen D. Lee’s guns started the day on the Dunker Church plateau.  Driven off by William Hays’ guns of position east of the Antietam, Lee moved initially to the Reel Ridge and then to Cemetery Hill in the center of the Confederate line after refitting.  Frobel, Pierson, and Jones were constantly shifting their guns to confront different Union threats.  Reuben Walker’s artillery battalion of A.P. Hill’s division added its weight to the fight at the end of the day and helped to halt the surging Ninth Corps advance. The combined efforts of these officers, battery commanders, and their gallant artillerists meant that Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia would live to fight another day.

A 4:1 ratio (12 Confederate to 3 Union) in field grade artillery officers is a startling metric. It is one that I have never seen addressed before. Though the overall numbers are small, the presence of field grade officers among the artillery commands, particularly on the Confederate side, is a significant factor.  As we measure artillery performance at Antietam, the role of these senior field grades certainly merits further study.

[i]Wise, Jennings Cropper. The Long Arm of Lee Volume 1, Owens Publishing Company, (1915 (1988)), page 344
[ii]OR 19:1 Report of Colonel J. B. Walton, Washington (Louisiana) Artillery, of the Battle of Sharpsburg; page 848
[iii]OR 19:1 Reports of Maj. Gen. Lafayette McLaws, C.S. Army, commanding division of operations September 10-17; page 860
[iv]Ibid; page 854,855.
[v]Maps of the Battlefield of Antietam Surveyed by Lieut. Col. E.B. Cope, Revised Edition 1908; Map # 9 10:30 AM.
[vi]OR 19:1 Report of Maj. B.W. Frobel, C.S. Army, Chief of Artillery, of the battle of Sharpsburg; page 925
[vii]OR 19:1, Reports of Col. S. Crutchfield, C.S. Army, Chief of Artillery, of operations September 13-19; page 962.
[viii]OR 19:1 Report of Lieut. Col. R.L. Walker, C.S. Army, commanding Artillery Battalion, of operations September 13-17; page 983.
[ix]Pawlak, Kevin. “Shamed at Sharpsburg: The Court Martial Case of Alfred Courtney” Antietam Brigades, May 20, 2018, antietambrigades.blogspot.com/2018/05/shamed-at-sharpsburg-court-martial-case.html.
[x]Poague, William. Gunner with Stonewall: Reminiscences Of William Thomas Poague, Lieutenant, Captain, Major, and Lieutenant Colonel Of Artillery, Army Of Northern Virginia, CSA, 1861-65: a Memoir Written For His Children in 1903,University Of Nebraska Press, 1998, page 35
[xi]OR 19:1 Report of Capt. Thomas H. Carter, commanding King William (Virginia) Artillery, of the battle of Sharpsburg; page 1030.
[xii]Krick, Robert E. L. “Defending Lee's Flank J. E. B. Stuart, John Pelham, and Confederate Artillery on Nicodemus Heights.” The Antietam Campaign. edited by Gary Gallagher Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999, page 192.
[xiii]OR 19:1 Report of Col. Stephen D. Lee, C.S. Army, commanding artillery battalion, of the battle of Sharpsburg, page 855.
[xiv]Harsh, Joseph L.Sounding the Shallows: A Confederate Companion for the Maryland Campaign of 1862,Kent State University Press (2000) page 82.
[xv]Sounding the Shallows,page 83. Johnson, Curt and Anderson, Richard C.  Artillery Hell: the Employment Of Artillery At AntietamTexas A & M University Press – 1995, page 99.
[xvi]Sounding the Shallows page 83.
[xvii]Sounding the Shallows page 84.
[xviii]OR 19:2 Report of Lieut Col. William Hays, U.S. Army, commanding Artillery Reserve, of the battle of Antietam and skirmish at Blackford’s or Boteler’s Ford. page 342.
[xix]OR 19:2 Report of Brig. Gen. Henry J. Hunt, U.S. Army, Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac, of operations September 5-20; page 342.